There is something for almost everyone in the judgement delivered yesterday against Bradley Manning, the army private who single-handedly conveyed hundreds of thousands of classified diplomatic documents and military battlefield reports to the so-called whistleblowing web site WikiLeaks.
This is the largest unauthorized transfer of government-origin classified information ever recorded.
Manning’s detractors – those who see him as a criminal and a traitor – will look with satisfaction upon his conviction on charges of espionage, computer fraud , possession of restricted documents and theft. These could bring him a total of over 100 years behind bars.
Manning’s defenders – those who see him as a patriot and a hero – will be relieved that he was acquitted on the two most serious charges of aiding the enemy. Daniel Ellesberg, for instance, commented that: ‘It could’ve been worse’ – a lot worse, not just for Bradley but for American democracy and the free press on which it depends”.
Whatever the sentence, the mixed messages implied by the judgement may end up satisfying no one completely.
Manning’s lawyer, David Coombs, was ambiguous: “We won the battle, now we need to go win the war… Today is a good day, but Bradley is by no means out of the fire.”
WikiLeaks founder Julian Assange, himself a fugitive and holed up in the Ecuadorean embassy in London, described the verdict on Twitter as “dangerous national security extremism.”
If reflecting on what to make of the verdict seems difficult, consider this. The most critical issues of public policy raised by the Manning case have yet to be broached: